The Four Corners Alliance

Mongoose

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Jun 6, 2011
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The Intertribal Alliance of the Four Corners
Government-in-exile: Camp Shiprock, California
Population: ~300,000 across E. California, Nevada, and Four Corners Region.

The Intertribal Alliance of the Four Corners
is a military coalition of Native American tribal governments and their allies centered in the Colorado Plateau of the American Southwest. It is named after the intersection of state boundaries between New Mexico, Arizona, Utah, and Colorado, and is commonly known as the Four Corners Alliance.

The culture of the Four Corners Alliance is predominantly Navajo, though there are many other tribal governments and non-native peoples that are part of this alliance.

The Four Corners Alliance was one of the first entities to encounter SkyNET's ground forces in 2011, yet held most of their territory for the following 15 years. Battered by a successful regional SkyNET offensive in 2026, the Four Corners Alliance has evacuated the Colorado Plateau, establishing a redoubt and government-in-exile among remote communities in the Mojave Desert. Its interim leaders have detached a unit of trained commandos called Long Rifles to assist Tech-Com in their own ventures, to educate the populace in Navajo fighting methods, and to gain allies in the future liberation of their homeland.

The term Long Rifles has become associated with bands of Navajo scout-commandos specialized in long-range reconnaissance, infrastructure demolition, and hit-and-run attacks on high-value targets.





Long Rifle Team 9
2LT James Lone-Elk
GYSGT Charlie Nez, TSF
Emmanuel Shaw
Frederick Clive
"Porter"
SGT Fjern Olsaen, TSF
Father Sam Brown
SGT Dohosan Mahan, Scout Corps
SPC "Del" Delgado, TSF
HM2 Kimberly "Kim" Chee, TSF


Historical Notes
On September 1, 1997 in the city of Window Rock, the president of the Navajo Nation received a phone call from the provisional base commander at Fort Wingate, telling him of a catastrophic nuclear attack on the United States. The shuttered Fort Wingate contained 20 New Mexico National Guardsmen and the 1st Battalion, 1st Marines, who had been at the former Army installation for maneuvers. The battalion commander was worried about the isolation of the fort, and the dwindling rations provided to them.

This news came as a shock to the Navajo president. At the time, the majority of Navajo land was not readily prepared to produce its own food, and relied on foodstuffs stockpiled or brought from elsewhere, places destroyed in the attacks. Still, himself a retired Marine and Vietnam veteran, the Navajo president agreed to shelter his men.

It was several days before the Navajo authorities in Window Rock found out about the full extent of the nuclear attacks. Portions of the Monument Valley would be affected by radioactive fallout from strikes on Tuscon, Arizona, but as a whole, the Navajo Nation and the tribal reservations of the Southwest were spared the direct effects of the bombs.

The sudden demise of the Federal Government, and with it the economy of goods and aid programs for American Indians, presented an immediate, greater emergency for the Navajo Nation government, both for its own citizens, and for the increasing diaspora of bomb survivors that traveled into the Navajo Nation daily. Many Navajo begrudgingly referred to the refugees as "Buffalo Bills" or "Bills," referring to their cowboy heritage and also the Navajo word biligaana, which meant "white."

Compounding these issues was an unseasonably harsh drought, brought on by the unprecedented El Nino event of 1997-1998, the same event that prevented the Four Corners from receiving radioactive fallout carried by weather currents. As water truck drivers from outside the Navajo Nation predictably never arrived for their deliveries on August 30, 1997, the Navajo government was forced to ration its limited water resources, and rural Navajo and Hopi communities which lacked their own natural aquifers were sometimes left to fend for themselves.

In the winter of 1997 and early 1998, rainfall finally returned in force, inundating communities and killing hundreds in landslides and flash flooding. Over 2000 refugees from the bombing in Tuscon were killed in a mudslide in the Monument Valley, having established a settlement in an arroyo. Thousands more would perish due to starvation, exposure, and preventable diseases such as cholera, typhoid and banditry and general unrest among survivors. The meagre facilities of the Indian Health Service were overwhelmed with patients, and the Navajo Tribal Police could do little to combat crime within the refugee camps.

A militia of both Navajo and bilagaana alike was formed by the Navajo Tribal Police to stem the effects of violence against their people, bolstered by military veterans and Marines that had chosen to remain rather than attempt to return to California. This paramilitary would eventually be called the Tribal Security Force, and would become a military power in its own right. The strength of this arrangement would be tested in 1999, when a strong renegade force of Arizona National Guardsmen called The Guard declared the Navajo Nation as secessionists and invaded the Four Corners, establishing an occupation government in the Hopi Indian Reservation. Bands of partisans and commandos called Long Rifles ambushed the Guard at every turn, trapping convoys in deserts and allowing them to be killed by the elements. The less-well-equipped Navajo relied on analog, physical methods of communication, and the resurrection of Navajo code-talking meant the Guard was unable to reliably predict their moves across harsh, unfamiliar terrain. Over the course of 7 years, the Tribal Security Force successfully repelled the invaders.

The Navajo and the liberated Hopi Reservation (whose land is encompassed by the Navajo) formed a joint cooperation agreement shortly after, with the Hopi agreeing to share their dry agriculture methods with Navajo horticulturalists in exchange for military protection by the Tribal Security Force. The introduction of these dry agriculture methods provided employment for refugees and helped to address the food crisis, though it would be years still before starvation was non-existent in the Navajo Nation.
The web of arrangements and security agreements between the Navajo and other factions eventually culminated in the Intertribal Compact, formally establishing the Intertribal Alliance of the Four Corners. Signed at the Four Corners Monument on July 5, 2009, its signatories included:

The Navajo Nation
The Hopi Reservation
The Zuni Indian Reservation
Southern Ute Indian Reservation
Ute Mountain Ute Reservation
Jicarilla Apache Indian Reservation
1st Battalion, 1st Marines

Originally simply a joint-cooperation agreement, the nature of the Compact began to resemble a federation, particularly as all of the signatories eventually contributed to the Tribal Security Force and several of the tribes reorganized under the Navajo chapter system of government. Half a million people of many colors and backgrounds now fell under the control of a representative government based in Window Rock, at this time perhaps one of the only surviving democratic institutions of its size on the continent.

The propagation of dry agriculture methods in conjunction with the development of sustainable irrigation would prove to be revolutionary, restoring much of the region's productivity in spite of climate change increasing drought severity. The increasing food security allowed the governments to consider grander projects, and there were secret discussions regarding the re-opening of old uranium mines to construct a nuclear reactor.

Were it not for the arrival of SkyNET, the Four Corners Alliance was on track to become the dominant regional power.
The Four Corners Alliance is on unofficially friendly terms with the global Resistance movement against SkyNET, and often works in Resistance interests. The Tribal Security Force maintains a contingent to help defend the I-80 corridor, a critical trade route for caravans heading from the Rocky Mountains towards California.

On the ground, the Tribal Security Force, outgunned and outnumbered, relies on ambush tactics, asymmetric warfare, and a love for explosives to harass SkyNET logistics and infrastructure. The term "Long Rifles" has become associated with bands of Navajo commandos specialized in long-range reconnaissance, infrastructure demolition, and hit-and-run attacks on high-value targets. While success comes at a great cost of human lives, it has repelled SkyNET penetration into the Four Corners since its emergence.

In cooperation with Resistance operations in Nevada, Long Rifles have often acted in reconnaissance roles, forward air controllers, and artillery observers. They also often provide scout-sniper teams, embedded with Resistance units, or acting as an independent unit.

Their biggest contribution to the War Against the Machines is the ferrying of scientists and specialists around the Coltan Line, which takes individuals from the Mississippi River up into Canada, then back down through the Rocky Mountains. The Four Corners is the final and arguably most dangerous stretch for these specialists.
SkyNET has finally made significant gains against the Four Corners Alliance, achieving critical victories at Gallup and Crownpoint. With news from TC of an even larger offensive from Colorado, the Intertribal Council made the controversial decision to evacuate its military forces and as many civilians as possible to safe settlements in their territory in the Mojave Desert. This had been detailed extensively in an Emergency Plan Turquoise, otherwise known as "Operation Long Walk."

On the night of June 3, 2026, 200,000 civilians were evacuated via truck, bus and car by several allied factions, and the majority of the Tribal Security Force retreated westward. As much of the Fort Wingate arsenal was removed as possible, and the remainder demolished to prevent SkyNET access. However, many older Navajo refused to abandon their homes, and towards the morning of June 4, SkyNET began attacking evacuation convoys, having finally detected the large-scale movements westward. A SkyNET airstrike targeted Navajo President Robert Nakai's motorcade, as he had promised to not leave Window Rock until the majority had been relocated. The airstrike killed President Nakai and much of the Tribal Government that had been with him, leaving Tribal Security Force commander Colonel Joseph Begaye as the provision leader of the Four Corners Alliance.

SkyNET established an occupation government in Window Rock, with a human puppet leader. Approximately 2,000 TSF soldiers and Long Rifles remained as a stay-behind force, taking refuge in the Western boundaries of the Navajo Nation and training partisans to resist the occupation authority. Current residents of the Four Corners Alliance that are not in hiding with partisans are often interned in labor camps, forbidden from indigenous cultural practices and from speaking Dine bizaad.
Meanwhile, in the Mojave, the Four Corners Alliance has re-established its citizens in camps and in desolate but remote communities, many abandoned before Judgment Day. Hobbled but not broken, the communities have gotten to work developing these towns for long-term settlement as they did in the decades prior, though the goal has now shifted towards smuggling supplies into occupied territory, and also developing trade agreements with Resistance factions in California.

The Tribal Security Force is engaged in frequent combat with remnant forces of the Nothern Republic, and regularly performs sabotage acts against SkyNET when opportunity arises.

In late June, Colonel Joseph Begaye contacted the Cheyenne agent James Lone-Elk, commissioning him as a Tribal Security Force lieutenant and assigning him a small unit of Long Rifles, along with enough supplies to sustain independent operation for a year or more. Their directives are to conduct sabotage operations against SkyNET infrastructure, and to develop a relationship of cooperation between themselves, Tech-Com, and any other friendly factions. It is hoped that this relationship will blossom into a formal alliance that can be called upon to liberate their territory and restore balance to the natural world.
Because the Navajo faction is so large IC, its leadership is generally off-screen, so full-time and part-time characters are always welcome. PM me if you are interested in being a part of this group. Many character backgrounds are welcome, but my only expectation is that you take the lore seriously and treat indigenous culture with respect.


 
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Mongoose

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TRP Admin
Jun 6, 2011
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As I'm always going on about, I'll eventually need players willing and able to play event characters from the Four Corners Alliance. I was trying to write a short primer, and decided fuck it, you guys are gonna get some lore. This is really just for your viewing pleasure. I'll make some more digestible lore tidbits coming soon.



A (not-so-quick) run-through of the Four Corners Alliance for people interested in characters.

https://www.taconbanana.com/threads/the-four-corners-alliance.32686/ For the general history of the faction read here.

Pretty much everyone in the Four Corners Alliance is Americanized, everyone speaks English, and there is outwardly very little difference between people in California and people in the Alliance. However, due to Navajo cultural dominance, almost everyone speaks and understands a bit of dine bizaad, the Navajo language. The Alliance recruits from all over for the Tribal Labor Corps and the Tribal Security Force- both of which guarantee citizenship inside the Four Corners Alliance following completion of service, so everyone would be used to the other major cultures. Most of the initial prejudice and racism among older survivors disappeared in the hard times of the early 2000's, so the Alliance emerged fairly unified despite its diversity.

In the past year, SkyNET has scored huge victories against the Four Corners Alliance, and rather than test it, Alliance leadership chose to evacuate as many people as possible (in total, some 200,000) westward into a series of abandoned communities and safe areas in the Mojave Desert of Nevada and the tip of the Sierra Nevada Mountains in Eastern California. It has been hard-living in these settlements- they are regularly attacked both by SkyNET patrols and by renegades of the Northern Republic- but months later, these settlements are beginning to stabilize, thanks to help from the Resistance.

The government-in-exile of the Alliance, based in Independence, California, has made extended overtures to Tech-Com, Frente Humano, and the greater Pacific Command to establish a formal military partnership, beginning first with the creation of the joint TC-TSF
Task Force Mojave, and continuing with the deployment of Long Rifles across the state of California.

Most of the actual territory of the Alliance is now occupied by a collaborationist government named the
Colorado Plateau Reconstruction Authority, which is now working wholesale with SkyNET to establish uranium mining and refining for a variety of nuclear projects.

Long Rifles vs. Tribal Security Force
The Tribal Security Force is the Alliance's military, and is contributed to by all of its members. Some units are divided by ethnicity (the Pueblo Artillery Battalion, the Zuni Bow Society), but most are generally integrated, and Navajo fight alongside Apache fight alongside Bills. Established in the 2010s from Navajo military veterans, Tribal policemen, and the 1st Battalion 1st Marines, the TSF is largely patterned and organized after the pre-war United States Marine Corps, including rank structure and land-based military doctrine. Much of their older military vocabulary would not feel out of place on a Marine base.

The first generation of troops are very highly-trained and experienced, and the TSF in general is regarded for its extreme discipline. Where Tech-Com and the Resistance excel in utilizing SkyNET equipment and tactics, the TSF is extremely analog nearly to a fault, pursuing a deliberately asymmetric strategy. Telecommunications are done in a descendant of the WWII Navajo code (Which SkyNET as well has yet to crack), and when this is not possible, messages are delivered via motorcycle or foot courier. While the Tribal Security Force is not well-suited as an offensive military (something which it often defers to the Resistance), it excels in ambush warfare and defensive engagements, particularly in the desert, where strong unit discipline often overwhelms stronger, better-equipped, but disorganized attackers.

The TSF relies mainly on ballistic weaponry, but plasma is increasingly common, and engineers are developing a standard plasma rifle for all of its forces based on captured SkyNET technology.

The remnant TSF has limited vehicular capabilities, with a small number of Bradley IFV's and M1 Abrams tanks it struggles to fuel, and no aerial capability to speak of beyond Cessna scout planes and some UH-1 helicopters. Much of the TSF's equipment consists of civilian vehicles converted to military use.


Long Rifles are the term developed for irregular commando units, patterned after Marine Raiders. Long Rifle Teams are entirely manned by veteran NCOs and specialists, commanded by a Lieutenant, and are equipped for a variety of specialty tasks, including artillery observation and indirect fire support; industrial sabotage; espionage; and assault-raiding if resources permit. In Los Angeles, Long Rifles Team 9, commanded by James Lone-Elk, is the local representation, where they participate in direct action alongside Tech-Com.

The Colorado Plateau Reconstruction Authority: Vichy Navajo
After the fall of the Alliance capital in Window Rock, SkyNET quickly established the Colorado Plateau Reconstruction Authority. Collaborationist governments were rare for SkyNET, but the large and generally healthy Tribal Labor Corps proved to be an asset too great for SkyNET to neglect, particularly considering the region's rich industrial potential. A terrorist organization from the Black Hills known as the American Indian Front was brought in to lead the occupation, with Elder Billy Nighthorse of the Cheyenne people being sworn in as Intertribal President to an audience of machines and a crowd held at gunpoint.

The CPRA, desperate to bring the Alliance's rebellious parts into the fold, furiously published nationalist propaganda promoting a pan-Indian utopia backed and guaranteed by SkyNET. While maintaining many of the Alliance's political and social institutions, the CPRA discouraged Navajo, Hopi, and other cultural practices for non-denominational (derided as "New Age") activities promoted by the Ghost Dance, a revived fundamentalist cult from the Plains which promised a total revolt by the spirits of dead Indians against white men. Additionally, some profiteers that remained have attempted to exploit the evacuation of their neighbors, absorbing grazing land and crops of rival landowners. A sizeable portion of civilian society actively collaborates with the CPRA for their survival.

However, SkyNET regularly interferes with their efforts whenever it suits them. The Tribal Labor Corps became little more than a fancy name for forced labor, and SkyNET and CPRA foremen regularly worked TLC laborers to death in concentration camps. Controversially, for security reasons, SkyNET banned the use of all languages except English, which became problematic as Resistance forces regularly communicated in codes using indigenous languages, and many of the CPRA forces were non-native to the Southwest. By the time SkyNET had realized its mistake, Alliance operatives had either smuggled out or destroyed most linguistic materials for understanding Dine bizaad.


The CPRA spends much of its time suppressing revolts in the remote areas of the Alliance, such as the Monument Valley and the frequent attacks on the San Juan Basin, and hunting down Resistance operatives inserted from the west.

The Mojave Redoubt and Task Force Mojave
Following the evacuation, 200,000 Alliance refugees were resettled west, in or around 5 major encampments in the Mojave Desert of Nevada and Eastern California, four of which are named after one of the sacred mountains of the Navajo: Camp Blanca, Camp Taylor, Camp San Francisco, and Camp Hesperus. A 5th settlement, Camp Shiprock, is located in Independence, California, and acts as the provisional capital of the Alliance government-in-exile. The entire area has been designated the Mojave Redoubt, and what remains of the Tribal Security Force occupies its time between these settlements.

Colonel Joseph Begaye is the commander of the Tribal Security Force, and following President Robert Nakai's death is the provisional leader of the entire Mojave Redoubt, pending being officially sworn in as commander-in-chief. Colonel Begaye quickly established diplomatic ties with Tech-Com and Frente Humano, and is at work establishing a formal tripartite alliance for later assistance in retaking the Four Corners.

In addition to providing Long Rifle teams to assist Tech-Com, Begaye called for the creation of Task Force Mojave, a joint military force between the three groups that protects their mutual interests as a single entity. Several veterans from Bakersfield Company opted to travel here during a lull in the fighting in the Los Angeles region, providing much-needed expertise for the TSF infantry. Task Force Mojave's strength has been greatly enhanced by the arrival of the remnant Fresno detachment (which includes reprogrammers and veterans of the Fresno campaign), and the establishment of "New Fresno" on the southern extent of the Mojave Redoubt. As New Fresno regains its strength and begins deploying reprogrammed drones, it is likely this will begin to tip the balance in the Resistance's favor.


While SkyNET is an ever-present danger, Task Force Mojave mainly occupies itself with defending the Mojave Redoubt from the Northern Republic, who frequently raid Alliance communities in large numbers for much-needed supplies not provided by SkyNET.

Major Ethnicities in the Alliance

Navajo (Dine) - The Four Corners Alliance is politically and culturally dominated by the Navajo Nation, its largest and most powerful member. Navajo usually occupy leadership positions, as the Navajo Nation's system of governance is used as the template for all others in the Alliance. Dine bizaad is required for government postings as well as officer's commissions in the Tribal Security Force, and many non-Navajo observe various Navajo traditions. Many people outside the Alliance simply call everyone involved "Navajo" to keep it simple.

Most Navajo would be generally considered "Americanized," though even young Navajo still adhere to certain superstitions, notably a taboo on all things related to death. They will rarely speak directly of dead people, and avoid coming into contact with dead bodies if they can handle it. It is commonly believed that upsetting the chindi, the spirits of the dead (such as touching a dead body) can imbue the individual with "Corpse sickness," a curse which eventually leads to a death by misadventure. The Navajo creation myth stresses a duality between the world of the living ("Walking in beauty"), and the world of the dead ("Walking in darkness"), and unnecessarily invoking death at all in the world of the living permanently destabilizes a delicate balance for one's own life as well as the lives of all people.

SkyNET is popularly regarded as "Coyote," adapted from the traditional trickster deity in the Navajo creation myth, with infiltrators sometimes being referred to as "skinwalkers." Many consider SkyNET an arcane force that must be fought at every occasion. Reprogrammed drones, consequently, are controversial, and are entirely unheard of in Navajo units of the Tribal Security Force. While Navajo prefer not to kill unless it is absolutely necessary, they put 110% into fighting the machines.

Having turned what was once a Native American reservation the size of West Virginia into a formidable regional power, most Navajo are firm believers in the Alliance and the ideals of unity in diversity which it stands for. Many Navajo also have family and friends that are still stranded inside occupied territory, and have been displaced from land that they have occupied for centuries, and successfully redeveloped to be better than it was before Judgment Day. Thus, many Navajo are compelled to fight by any means necessary.


Hopi - After being liberated from occupation from the Arizona National Guard, the Hopi Nation, located geographically inside the Navajo Nation, joined with the Navajo in a political union, after decades of disputes over land and water access. A Puebloan people, the Hopi are culturally very different from the Navajo, though they too speak Dine bizaad alongside the Hopi language, and many are generally Americanized. There is a light tendency to ridicule Navajo culture and some regard Navajo as being boneheaded, though racial tensions are fairly low and the two are extremely close allies.

The Hopi Nation is without question the breadbasket of the Alliance, and the Hopi specialize in dry agriculture- they are one of the few societies historically able to conduct mass agriculture in a desert without irrigation. Like other Puebloan peoples, the Hopi live in fortified pueblos close to their fields. Hopi are often not engaged in the Tribal Security Force, instead largely involved in the Tribal Labor Corps as agricultural specialists and as scientists (The Hopi Nation is distinguished in having several experts trained under the supervision of the BIO-2 scientific collective).

The CPRA generally allows the Hopi to continue their work, and SkyNET likewise leaves them alone. However, following the evacuation of the Alliance, Hopi botanists and agriculturalists have been hurriedly smuggled out of occupied territory, and distributed among the refugee communities in the Mojave to establish dry farms.


Jicarilla Apache - The easternmost of the Alliance nations, the Jicarilla Apache Nation is located in small communities in the San Juan Basin, which contains hundreds of oil fields and the largest coal bed methane deposits in the world. Before the war, the Jicarilla Apache were excluded from the region's economy, and lived in severe poverty. Once the Jicarilla Apache joined the Alliance, the Tribal Labor Corps quickly devoted much of their efforts to repairing and restarting oil drilling and gas mining, which was set to provide an immediate industrial advantage to the Alliance for rebuilding. The Jicarilla Apache are usually well-regarded as salt-of-the-earth laborers and engineers, and hold great pride in having redeveloped the San Juan Basin’s resource potential for themselves.

The Jicarilla Apache and the Southern Ute Tribes had the misfortune of existing the closest to SkyNET, and were the first to be invaded due to being a juicy industrial peach. Since then, they have been almost constantly on the frontline and have gained a new reputation as fierce, territorial partisans. Jicarilla Apache of fighting age are rare in the refugee settlements of the Mojave, as virtually none of the Jicarilla Apache units of the TSF chose to evacuate, and the survivors are currently operating a vicious stay-behind insurgency against CPRA labor projects and mines, most notably lighting several oil wells on fire. As a result, SkyNET and the CPRA have nearly exterminated the Jicarilla Apache in a series of ethnic reprisals. SkyNET also maintains an unusually high military presence inside the Jicarilla Apache capital of Dulce, and rumors abound of a secret base under Archuleta Mesa.


Zuni Pueblo- The furthest south of the members of the Alliance, the Zuni divide their time between sheep and cattle herding and dry agriculture, centered around the harsh but heavily fortified Zuni Pueblo. Among the more ancient cultures in the region yet the newest of Alliance members, the Zuni are generally reclusive and many do not speak dine bizaad (and older Zuni do not speak English), due to centuries of antagonism with the Navajo. Most Zuni are ambivalent to the Alliance but appreciate the resources this relationship brings.

Having lived and died in the Zuni River Valley for thousands of years, most of the Zuni refused to evacuate during Operation Long Walk, although the Tribal Security Force succeeded in evacuating the Pueblo Artillery Battalion. The Zuni Bow Society, an order of warrior priests, is the ringleader of a larger insurgency by rural Puebloans against the CPRA in the Zuni River Valley. SkyNET is often compared by the Zuni to the kyanakwe, an ancient people destroyed by the ancestral Zuni in their creation myth.


Autonomous Pueblos - During the pre-SkyNET period, several autonomous peoples occupied the western corner of New Mexico, clustered in heavily fortified Pueblos around the Rio Grande. When the Alliance incorporated the Ramah, To’hajiilee and Alamo bands of Navajo further east in New Mexico, the Alliance also added the Acoma and Laguna Pueblos next to it, and sent representatives to the independent councils of the Rio Grande Pueblos and the Eight Northern Indian Pueblos in Ohkay Owingeh.

Aside from these loose political unions, the Pueblo peoples are fairly decentralized. Puebloans have a generally negative view of biligaana in relation to their neighbors, though this is largely a byproduct of their reclusive nature. Due to the many cultural and social differences with the Alliance (Tewa and Tiwa languages dominate with several dialects), it is unclear whether they will choose to join the Alliance once SkyNET is expelled. Currently, the CPRA occasionally launches attacks on rural Pueblos, but they are by and large left alone, providing a useful insertion point into the Alliance for Resistance operatives.


Non-Natives (Biligaana) - The word Biligaana usually refers to just white Americans, but it can be in reference to non-Native Americans generally. In the Alliance, "Bills" represent a significant minority, descended from white, black, Latino, and Asian refugees from outside Native land. They originally lived in their own independent refugee communities inside the Navajo Nation or on the "checkerboard" of native and non-native land found in western New Mexico, but have since integrated into settlements across the Alliance, blurring the racial divides. These have since been augmented by the veterans and descendants of the 1st Battalion, 1st Marines- the founders of the Tribal Security Force.

Older Bills occupy specialist positions throughout Alliance society due to education otherwise unavailable to the Navajo, and many senior NCO's of the TSF are pre-war Marines or other military veterans. While biligaana in general are aware of Navajo culture, older folks are indifferent to it. Many younger Bills born after Judgment Day have begun to assimilate into Navajo or other native culture, either voluntarily or through adoption by Navajo families. Most Bills speak at least some amount of Dine bizaad, with younger people being generally bilingual. Whatever the case, biligaana are ironically among the largest supporters of the Alliance, having personal stake in its development and endurance in the years following the collapse of America.


Biligaana are treated especially poorly by the CPRA. The pre-occupation Alliance had been quite inclusive, but the CPRA's pan-Indian propaganda heavily promotes native hegemony at the expense of non-natives. Bills are disproportionately involved in hazardous labor projects such as uranium mining, and fatalities are quite high due to poor safety standards. Bills form a very large percentage of partisans inside the occupied Alliance.

 
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Mongoose

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Jun 6, 2011
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STATE OF THE ALLIANCE: NOVEMBER 2026.

THE GOOD
1) Increased durability and prosperity in the Mojave Redoubt with the influx of specialists and technology from the California region, and further assistance from Task Force Mojave (Aguilar's Frente Humano, New Fresno, Bakersfield volunteer units). Dry Farming agriculture has proven successful, and with a successful harvest in October, food stores are expected to be adequate for the winter. The Intertribal Council in exile is considering retaining this land upon reconquest of the Four Corners.

2) Freed Assets (often called The Freed) are being rehabilitated en masse in a community called Sabra. The Freed are now a significant minority inside the Mojave Redoubt, and at least one Long Rifle team is entirely made up of Freed personnel. The Freed are (at least from outward appearances) totally loyal to the Alliance and are becoming regarded for their bravery in combat.

3) Successful (if costly) special operations have been carried out inside the occupied Four Corners against SkyNET industrial targets. LR 9 is working out deals with Frente Humano, Pacific Command, and Roloff Engineering to produce and funnel weapons and equipment to partisans through Pueblo land.


THE BAD
1) Tier 2 Assets continue regularly to launch large-scale suicide attacks against all of the Mojave Redoubt camps, particularly against Camp Shiprock, considered the interim capital of the government-in-exile. Casualties are grim in Task Force Mojave, which is often referred to as "Task Force Meat Grinder."

2) The civilian Intertribal Council disapproves of Colonel Begaye's over-reliance on executive authority, as well as many of his decisions regarding the Freed and the usage of captured SkyNET technology. There has still yet to be a democratic election to select the new Intertribal President.

3) SkyNET and the Colorado Plateau Reconstruction Authority have tightened their grip on the civilians under their control back at home. Dog Soldiers roam the roads in search of partisans and Resistance operatives. Several reports of collective punishment against entire settlements have emerged, notably the massacre at Chinle, where hundreds of men, women, and children were executed in front of a schoolhouse.


MOODS:
1) Hyper-focus on supporting the war effort. A Keep Calm, Carry On attitude is fairly common. Among Navajo and second-generation Biligaana, there is often a fairly strong impatience to get into the fight and a desire for justice to be served.

2) Growing distrust of the Freed among the civilian population. Complete distrust of reprogrammed drones, though they are largely absent except among delegations from New Fresno. Conservative Navajo have begun agitating against the Alliance's relationship with TC and their association with the above.
3) Poor living conditions and spotty morale have strained relations between the ethnic enclaves in the camps. This will likely improve over time, though it may come at the expense of The Freed, who are now being viewed as a group of "others."






 

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